'It can now be asserted upon convincing evidence that savagery preceded barbarism
in all the tribes of mankind, as barbarism is known to have preceded civilisation.'
So wrote Victorian anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1877 classic Ancient
Societies. According to Morgan, savagery, barbarism and civilisation 'are
connected with each other in a natural as well as a necessary sequence of
progress.'
The idea of history as progressing in a series of natural stages from savagery
to civilisation is a very Victorian notion, testament to the values of a bygone
era. Ours is an age deeply skeptical both of the idea of historical progress
and of the capacity of humans to be civilised. No one articulates better such
skepticism than the historian Felipe Fernández-Armesto. The notion
of 'civilisation', he points out, is often a self-serving one, defining as
'civilised' the culture to which one belongs. This was particularly the case
with nineteenth century European ideas of civilisation, rooted in racial theory,
which saw Europe at the summit of historical development, and the rest of
the world as savage or barbarian. For Fernández-Armesto the idea of
a progressive history is 'repugnant'. History, he suggests, 'lurches between
random crises, with no direction or pattern, no predictable end'. It is 'a
genuinely chaotic system'.
But if Fernández-Armesto dismisses the Victorian concept of civilisation,
he doesn't reject the idea altogether. Rather than describing civilisation
in terms of human progress, however, he describes it as a relationship between
human beings and their natural environment. Civilisation is the process by
which nature is 'recrafted by the civilising impulse, to meet human demands.'
In this sense every society is civilised, because every society is faced with
a constant battle with nature. Certain societies, Fernández-Armesto
believes, are more civilised than others, but only because they 'more strenuously
challenge nature'. This does not mean, as the Victorians thought, that such
societies are in any way 'better'. Indeed, according to Fernández-Armesto,
civilisation is often 'irrational' because in measurable ways such as 'the
durability of the way of life or the levels of nutrition or standards of health',
more civilised societies are often worse than less civilised ones.
Armed with this definition, Fernández-Armesto takes us on global tour
of civilisations, defined by their relationship to the natural environment.
Civilisations begins with those societies most in thrall to nature because
they have been carved out of the most inhabitable environments - the frozen
wastes of the Arctic, and the dead lands of the Saharan, Gobi, and Kalahari
deserts. From there we move through the great grasslands, such as the North
American plains and African savannah, through the temperate woodlands of Europe
and the Americas, tropical lowlands such as the lower Amazon, highland civilisations
such as those of the Andes, New Guinea and Tibet, seaboard civilisations like
the Phoenicians and the Greeks, before finally arriving at the 'Atlantic civilisation'
which encompasses modern Europe and America. At each stopping-point on this
journey, Fernández-Armesto reveals the 'civilising impulse' that drives
society - the itch of humankind to leave its imprint upon nature, the attempt
to reclaim from nature a purely human domain.
Fernández-Armesto is a superb storyteller, with a barrel-full of anecdotes
and a language as finely textured as many a novelist. Civilisations is the
kind of book you can dip in and out of, always sure of finding a new gem,
a new way of looking at a particular society or a particular historical age.
His description, for example, of the way that European explorers cracked the
'code' of the Atlantic wind system, and the importance of this for European
colonial expansion, is a narrative tour-de-force.
But there is also something deeply troubling about his take on history. At
first sight his multicultural approach, which rejects the idea of Western
civilisation as the summit of human achievement, and sees the civilising impulse
in every culture, appears to be a wonderfully democratic way of approaching
human history. The democratic form of this narrative, however, hides an argument
which is as deeply regressive as any Victorian history. In rejecting the idea
of historical progress, Fernández-Armesto is forced also to reject
the idea that cultural forms can have universal validity. Every civilisation
in his scheme appears to belong to the people that create it.
We can see this in his discussion of the 'whiteness' of Western civilisation.
Fernández-Armesto rightly points out that black people have played
a vital part in the making of what he calls the 'Atlantic civilisation' but
their role has often been ignored, partly because of racism and partly because
of the 'acculturation of Black slaves in a society dominated by white values'.
The result is that 'western civilisation' is simply 'another name for a white
civilisation of western European origin'.
This seems a perverse reading of history. Values are not black or white. They
are right or wrong. Black slaves did not internalise 'white values'. They
educated themselves in a rich intellectual tradition that happened to have
its roots in Europe, and more often than not used that tradition to challenge
European domination. When, for instance, Toussaint L'Ouverture led the greatest
slave revolt of modern times on the island of Haiti in the 1790s, he appropriated
the ideals of the French Revolution and turned them against French colonial
rule. When twentieth century revolutionaries such as Frantz Fanon and Aimé
Cesaire took up arms against colonialism, they did so in the name of universal
values derived from the tradition of the European Enlightenment.
At the same time black slaves introduced into America (and eventually Europe)
cultural forms derived from Africa - a process out of which jazz emerged,
for instance. One only has to look at the work of contemporary writers as
diverse as Toni Morrison and Derek Walcott to realise both that there is nothing
'white' about Western culture and that black thinkers draw deeply upon European
traditions. Fernández-Armesto fails to see this, however, because he
rejects the idea that cultural forms can be universal. Black civilisation
for him seems only to be that which is rooted in Africa; while cultures born
in Europe are forever 'white'. It's a view of civilisation as deeply dispiriting
as that of any Victorian anthropologist.
Fernández-Armesto has indeed a very dispiriting view of the human condition.
He adopts the currently fashionable view that only human arrogance allows
us to believe that we are superior to other animals or that we can master
nature. Yet, as Civilisations itself reveals, what gives every human
society its identity is its struggle to wrest a domain of civilisation from
the chaos of nature. Human beings are not simply objects of nature, as every
other creature is, but also subjects, capable, to some degree at least, of
directing their own fate. It is this capacity to be subjects that lies at
the heart of historical progress. Certainly, the Victorians were wrong in
seeing history as following an inevitable course onwards and upwards to civilisation,
and in understanding such progress in racial terms. But they were surely right
in aspiring to better, more civilised, forms of society. Without that aspiration
we stop being human.