Are animals persons or things? That’s the question at the heart of
Steven Wise's controversial new book. Legally, Wise points out, only humans
are 'persons'; in the eyes of the law animals are merely things. It is this
distinction that Wise wants to challenge. He demands 'legal personhood for
chimpanzees and bonobos’ so that they can be ‘recognised as a
potential bearer of rights'. Rattling the Cage is a lucidly written,
passionately argued case for animal rights. What makes it different is that
Wise, a practising attorney who specialises in representing animals, builds
a legal, as opposed to simply a scientific or philosophical case for rethinking
the relationship between humans and animals.
Wise begins by excavating the historical and philosophical roots of laws relating
to animal rights. The Roman belief that 'All law is established for men's
sake' remains central to modern systems of law. But this notion, Wise believes,
has given rise to conflict between 'natural law' and the 'law of nations'.
Natural law he defines as a universal law rooted in the nature of things,
the law of nations as specific laws that humans make, and which can vary according
to time and place. Slavery and racism, Wise suggests, were 'abhorrent' to
natural law but acceptable under the law of many nations. Similarly, the denial
of personhood to animals is a product of human law but contrary to natural
law. The fundamental question we have to answer, according to Wise, is whether
'things or beings or ideas [are] valuable because we value them or because
they are inherently valuable'.
This argument is surely wrong. Historically, slavery and racism were challenged
not because they were incompatible with natural law but when they were seen
as contrary to human morality. Indeed, the idea that something is inherently
valuable lay at the heart of racial thinking: the belief that certain people
were by nature more valuable than, or superior to, others. As the great Enlightenment
philosopher Condorcet put it, racism 'makes nature an accomplice in the crime
of political inequality.'
To demonstrate the inherent value of chimpanzees and bonobos, Wise provides
an overview of recent research on the mental capacities of the Great Apes.
Apes, he argues, possess the same kinds of complex cognitive abilities as
humans: they have minds and are able to read others' minds, are consciousness
and self-consciousness, and capable of using language. Most the material is
familiar - the work of ethologists and primatologists such as Donald Griffin,
David Premack, Alex de Waal, Michael Tomasello, Roger Fouts and Sue Savage-Rumbaugh.
Wise, however, skates over the controversial nature of much of this work -
especially the interpretation of the data about apes' linguistic and mind-reading
abilities - and peremptorily dismisses any critics. Daniel Dennett's arguments
are 'bizarre', while those of Daniel Povinelli are 'extraordinary for any
ape researcher'.
At the heart of Wise's approach is the argument from analogy. We can assume
that apes are conscious, intentional beings, he argues, for the same reason
we assume that humans are so. We do not have access to other people's heads,
but most of us accept that other human beings have minds, beliefs and desires
as we do, because they behave much as we do. But if we can make this assumption
with humans, why not with animals? Wise adopts Frans de Waal's axiom that
'strong arguments would have to be furnished before we would accept that similar
behaviours in related species are differently motivated', to argue that the
Great Apes have minds similar to those of human children.
It was the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein who showed why this argument is
muddleheaded. Human minds could not be truly private, he pointed out, because
if they were we would not be able to communicate the contents of our minds
to anyone else. My inner feelings mean something to me, in some part at least,
in so far as they mean something to others. I can make sense of my self only
insofar as I live in, and relate to, a community of thinking, feeling, talking
beings. Far from inferring other humans' experiences from our own, we can
only truly know what goes on inside our own heads by relating to other humans.
It is only because we live not as individuals, but within a social community
and, moreover, within a community bound together by language, that we can
make sense of our own inner thoughts and feelings. No animal possesses either
language or a social network like ours. Therefore it is simply not valid to
assume that they have inner experiences as we do.
Suppose it was true, however, that apes did have the kinds of minds that Wise
imagines they do - that they are conscious, intentional beings with a cognitive
skills of a three-year-old child. Would this be sufficient to allow them to
possess rights? Wise clearly thinks so. Just as we give rights to three-year-old
children, so we should give rights to equivalent apes.
This, however, is to misunderstand the character of rights. Rights do not
exist in the abstract, but are created by beings capable of possessing and
asserting such rights. To have a right means also to be responsible for one's
actions, to be recognised as a moral being. Adult humans, unlike children
or apes, live within a web of reciprocal rights and obligations created by
our capacity for rational dialogue. We can distinguish between right and wrong,
accept responsibility and apportion blame. Neither young children nor apes
can, and hence cannot bear rights. In truth, children are not accorded rights
but protections. A right requires us to make our own decisions. A protection
requires us to make decisions on behalf of others. Indeed many rights, such
as the right to vote, are denied to children, precisely because they cannot
make rational decisions.
Why does the law provide protection for children - and for the mentally disabled,
who also may not be rational and autonomous - but not for apes? Because children
normally grow up to be full members of the moral community. Indeed, it is
only because we treat them as potential moral agents that they grow up to
be so. As for mentally disabled people, we provide them protections because
they once possessed the potential to be a moral being. Children and the mentally
handicapped are of the same kind as adult, autonomous humans: the kind whose
normal instance is a moral being. Apes are not.
Wise is right that there is a clear demarcation in law between 'persons' who
possess rights and non-persons (or things) who don't. But his desire to break
down this distinction confuses the categories of moral and non-moral beings.
Apes, like many animals, are individuals, each with a distinguishable character.
But humans are individuals in an entirely different sense: we are self-created
beings, who realise ourselves only through our relations with other such beings.
This is at the heart of what we mean by personhood, and why animals may be
individuals but can never be persons.
The real impact of the campaign for rights for apes is to diminish rights
for humans. The current controversy over increased applications for animal
research in the wake of the sequencing of the human genome is a good case
in point. The government is worried about the political impact of an increase
in new licenses in a pre-election year. The consequence will be that disease
will remain untreatable for longer and people will continue to suffer from
the effects of potentially avoidable ill-health and disability.
While Rattling the Cage is a work of advocacy, and necessarily one-sided,
Animals in Research is a bibliography of both sides of the debate.
Compiled by Lesley Grayson for the British Library, the bibliography is both
comprehensive and highly readable. Grayson cover a wide field including debates
about animal consciousness, the value of animal research, and the issue of
the law and of regulation, as well as newer issues such as the GM revolution
and transgenic animal welfare. The aim of the book, she writes, is to create
a 'dialogue' between the two sides in the debate. Both the aim and the book
itself are invaluable.